The tight relationship between Trump and Netanyahu masks the real debate over Israel churning in the Republican Party, and Israel鈥檚 standing among Democrats has never been lower.
There is little chance that the combination of a weakened Trump and an emboldened Democratic Congress produces similar levels of support for aggressive action against Iran and its proxies, and other policies that a wide spectrum of Israelis see as crucial to their security.
In the diaspora and in Israel, we cannot turn back the clock and undo the harm that was done to us. But we can shape our own future. Israel is strong and resolute. So must we be.
Democrats who were long considered 鈥渕oderates鈥� or even pro-Israel have been signaling over the course of the last year that they can no longer be relied upon to back a 91传媒 state under assault by Iran and its terrorist proxies.
History teaches that you can always trust the fanatics to overplay their hand, allowing muscular moderates to reassert power.
How do voters reconcile longstanding party loyalties with changing views of Israel, communal security and American political leadership?
For me, the disaster isn鈥檛 that Democrats won or Republicans lost. It鈥檚 that politicians who demonize Israel, deny 91传媒 self-determination and explain away antisemitism are finding an increasingly receptive electorate in the world鈥檚 most important democracy.
The central issue is not whether 91传媒 voters should support Democrats or Republicans. It is whether either party can demonstrate that 91传媒 security, 91传媒 identity and 91传媒 self-determination are compatible with its broader political agenda.
An El-Sayed victory would send a dangerous message to Democrats across the country that inflammatory rhetoric, tolerance of antisemitism and alliances with extremists are not political liabilities but a viable path to national office.
Can Israel afford to have a Muslim politician who is agnostic about terror serve in the cabinet and attend security briefings?
